Bibliographie sélective OHADA

It may be assumed that all of the United States’ trading partners were impacted by the recent “Liberation Day” announcement – an announcement which constitutes “two distinct tariff actions” – as will be highlighted in this paper. However, despite previous concerns of being targeted by their free trade agreement (FTA) partner, Canada and Mexico – as would have been or should be expected, have been exempted from the tariff imposition. As well as addressing factors which have contributed to the shift from free trade to increasingly and predominantly protectionist stances and most likely, fair trade practices, this paper is aimed at highlighting and explaining the rationales behind the recent historical developments – as well as highlighting those factors that have triggered the build up to the Liberation Day Announcement of the 2nd April 2025. It is remarked that “Trump’s reciprocal tariff doctrine, holds foreign countries accountable”. Against this backdrop of discontent with World Trade Organisation’s dispute resolution mechanisms, which will be further elaborated on, in the paper, the immediate and possible long term impacts of the Announcement, will be considered. As well as exploring the reasons for recent developments – by way of reference to historical developments and data, the paper also considers the underlying frameworks governing the calculations of recent tariff rates and hikes. Whilst there are arguments regarding the validity of such calculations, or whether the current scenario justifies the basis for implementing “national emergency measures”, what can be regarded as an emergency response can be determined through a consideration of underlying and contributory factors. If negotiations, and more specifically, bilateral negotiations, take place as hoped, between those countries impacted by the Liberation Day Announcement, financial stability across global markets is expected to be restored. However, if retaliatory measures follow – with an escalation of trade wars, possible repercussions should be cause for concern. The global trading system is still recovering from the recent crisis which was largely uncontrollable – hence, it is more likely (and hoped) that the recent market turbulence and volatilities will be short term.

This thesis critically examines a much-debated issue in international law: the legitimacy of the Investor-State Dispute Settlement system (ISDS). The system was initially conceived to provide an alternate dispute resolution mechanism for the protection and promotion of foreign investment. In time, this objective has incited a discussion on the legitimacy of the system as the developed world has started to experience the role of host states. Since then, they have taken the lead in the reform process to achieve a balance between host state's and foreign investors' rights. To this effect, both the European Union (EU) and the Third Way Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) are for centralization of the system arguing its current problems emanate from its ad hoc and decentralized nature. Although both are aimed at system centralization, the paths they take to achieve it clearly differ. The EU seeks a permanent investment court by which ad hoc arbitration would give way to a more centralized framework. However, TWAIL advocates for a return to the pre-ISDS era, where national courts resolve investment disputes between foreign investors and states. The effectiveness of these two reform ideas in addressing the purported legitimacy concerns of the ISDS is critically examined in this thesis using Martti Koskenniemi's legal approach. Ultimately, it asserts that neither proposal is adequate to resolve the legitimacy issue of the system, as legitimacy can only be achieved by strengthening the principle of justice, which is feasible alone through a more decentralized structure.

Notwithstanding past trade reforms, trade in Africa and particularly intra-Africa trade, remain dismal. Africa has even created economic communities, fitted with monetary, fiscal, and socio-political anchors, by way of various Regional Economic Communities (RECs) – now reflected by the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Whilst these have yielded marginal benefits, the persistence of low intra-Africa trade calls into question their suitability. Focused on the realities of institutions targeted by these reforms and Africa's context – i.e., weak linkages between institutions, high informality, and low social capital – we posit that reforms have not elicited the hoped-for high intra-Africa trade because of their near total reliance on the neo-liberal approach, which neglects Africa's context. Drawing on Africa's sociology and new institutional economics, we use a conceptual institutional analysis to evolve a political economy based framework that suggests potential solutions: Linking the formal sector that currently underpins economic/trade policies to the informal institutions that are reflective of Africa's norms, values, cultures and expectations (the informal sector), and scaling up production; via the cooperatives production model, strategic procurement mandates, and effectuation of continental transportation infrastructure network, are our recommended pathways to reversing the current dismal intra-continental trade.

International trade rules enshrined in agreements like the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) promote free trade, with exceptions for environmental protection. This paper explores the tension between these rules and Earth Systems Science's concept of planetary boundaries, which define environmental tipping points beyond which humanity faces irreversible harm. We analyse GATT's provisions, particularly Article XI's prohibition on trade restrictions and Article XX's exceptions, through the lens of planetary boundaries. Our analysis argues that current interpretations of these articles are inadequate to address the environmental impact of raw material trade. We further examine the concept of permanent sovereignty over natural resources, which grants states autonomy over resource exploitation and trade. We posit that planetary boundaries are not a restriction on sovereignty but a call for modifying state trading behaviour and consequently how international trade rules is structured and interpreted. This analysis demonstrates the complexity of transforming the legal landscape necessary for a global just energy transition, a response to climate change that requires aligning international trade with environmental sustainability.

Rules of origin play a pivotal role in free trade agreements. Apart from serving as a tool to distinguish goods by determining the nationality of a product, rules of origin have the capacity to increase trade relations or deter it. Of course, it is the hope of any viable state to increase profitable trading relations, and if rules of origin can help with that, it becomes expedient to fully understand how these rules of origin operate. In Africa, we see rules of origin being implemented amongst the Regional Economic Communities (RECs), but this has come with many struggles. In fact, low intra-African trade can be narrowed down to complex rules of origin regimes deployed in regional agreements in Africa. As of date, the major RECs have each implemented different rules of origin, leading to the co-existence of conflicting rules of origin across Africa. This non-uniformity in the rules of origin regimes in Africa has resulted in low continental trade in Africa. As such, these RECs have not yielded the expected increase in intra-African trade. With the creation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which currently doubles as the latest and largest FTA in Africa, it is expected that better rules of origin will be deployed to mitigate the existing intra-African trade deficits. This thesis thus deploys a doctrinal approach in determining whether AfCFTA’s rules of origin are positioned to achieve greater intra-African trade. Consequently, this thesis uncovers some lapses in AfCFTA’s rules of origin and calls for harmonization of all the rules of origin in Africa and recommends a possible amendment to Article 19 of the Agreement establishing AfCFTA to accommodate the intended harmonization.

This study examines the impact of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) on regional trade in the Information and Communication Technology (ICT) and Digital Technologies (DT) sector across 43 African countries from 2014 to 2021. Employing the augmented gravity model and confidence-level estimations, it highlights AfCFTA's mediating role in enabling ICT&DT trade on the continent. Using hierarchical regression analysis of a panel dataset comprising 5,160 observations, the findings imply that trade openness and productive capacities not only facilitate trade in the ICT&DT sector but also result in positive spillover effects across various economic sectors. This study contributes to the international business literature by refining the application of the gravity model to capture the need for sector-specific analyses to unpack institutional dynamics and dis-enablers of trade. It identifies AfCFTA as a pivotal yet underexplored element in the global trade landscape, highlighting its potential as Africa seeks a more prominent role on the global stage. The research stresses the significance of digital empowerment and policy reforms to maximise the benefits of regional integration under AfCFTA.

This report examines the experiences of Ghanaian exporters and importers with trade regulations and related procedural obstacles – highlighting their concerns and the challenges they face. A survey of 960 traders on non-tariff measures found that almost half of exporters in Ghana encounter obstacles. This finding underscores the importance of the solutions proposed in the country’s National Export Development Strategy. The report finds that tackling foreign and domestic trade obstacles such as conformity assessment requirements, export inspections and customs clearance procedures could help Ghana boost its annual exports by up to $4.3 billion by 2025.

The contemporary international system is dominated by international trade. Therefore, it is the fundamental and critical aspect of international economic relations. The study investigated the how African states participate in common bilateral and multilateral trade relations. Its core objective is to study whether trade barriers have been made less cumbersome among the participating countries in African continental region. Common trade and international trade justify the essence of globalization. The wave of globalization has necessitated the flux of multilateralism and bilateralism among the participating nations in the international trade. Methodologically, the study adopted comparative theory of international trade. Its method of data collection is documentary method and analyzed through interpretive studies. As the international trade continues to take the centre stage in the international economic relations; States continue to engage in multilateral and bilateral trade relations. The operations of Transnational Corporations (TNCs) and Multi-national Corporations (MNCs) as non-state actors also engage in multilateral and bilateral agreements with the host states. Several agreements led to the establishment of General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT) and World Trade Organization (WTO) remains conspicuous products of multilateralism and bilateralism in the international trade in the recent time. African Continental Free Trade Area (AFCFTA) is a multilateral agreement enacted by fifty-four members of the African Union (AU) in 2019 to boost trade relations among them. Its core benefit is to facilitate free trade and removal of trade barriers in the region Therefore, this study is set to examine the advantages and impacts of AFCFTA and other multilateral and bilateral agreements in Africa and the world at large.

This work explored the dynamics of Nigeria-China relations from the political and economic points of view between 1999-2023. The primary concern of this paper is to discern the extent Nigeria-China relations is mutually beneficial and how Nigeria can stand to gain more if the relationship is properly aligned to Nigeria’s national interest. The central argument of this work is that Nigeria stands to gain more from China than from the West bearing in mind the fact that over one hundred years of Africa’s relationship with the West has been largely exploitative and disadvantageous. In this regard, the research employed both primary and secondary sources of data collection. The primary sources relied on first-hand information gathered from the Chinese Embassy as well as key actors within the Nigeria External Affairs Ministry and Key Informant Interviews on experts in Nigeria-China relations. The secondary sources relied on already existing information from libraries, text books, journals and the internet. The theoretical framework employed is the Complex Interdependence Theory. The conclusion drawn from this work is that Nigeria-China relations have not fully developed to the extent of being more beneficial to Nigeria economically and politically. What currently subsists is that China is gaining economically more in terms of trade to Nigeria’s disadvantage. However, politically and socio-culturally, the two countries are mutually benefiting due to various diplomatic protocols and cultural exchanges. The study recommended among others that Nigeria must strive to develop her techno-industrial export-oriented base to ensure more symmetric beneficial relationship with China.

The establishment of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) has opened new avenues of research interest in International Business and International Management. However, scholarly work in this fledgling area of research has been disparate and often lacking in the assessment of core international business implications of the emergence of the AfCFTA on member states as well as non-member states. This is because, as yet, no systematic attempt has been made to explore the AfCFTA in the context of IB research, or project future IB research directions. Hence, in this paper, using the PRISMA method we have systematically identified the current published research and scholarly work on the AfCFTA and provided a robust picture of the current state of knowledge and available literature on the AfCFTA while at the same time outlining potential areas for future international business research.

Background Considering the declining situation of sustainability in global marine fisheries, World Trade Organization (WTO) members successfully concluded the Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies(AFS) after 21 years of negotiations in 2022. As an the integral part of these negotiations, special and differential treatment (SDT) provisions provide developing countries with special rights and developed countries with the possibility to treat developing countries more favorably than other WTO members. Objective This study analyzed the role of SDT for fisheries subsidies in ensuring sustainable fishery governance by the rule of law, as well as the reflection of SDT under the AFS, to explore whether SDT can support sustainable fishery governance under the WTO framework. Methods This study is primarily based on official data and critical legal studies and used normative analysis and historical analysis to expose the essence of the SDT issue in the AFS as a political game in the legal form. Results The practical challenges in the implementation of SDT may affect the compliance willingness of member states. To overcome the obstacles, such as ambiguity and inefficiency, that impede the legalization process of sustainable global marine fishery governance, it is necessary to emphasize the value of SDT for the common interests of the WTO members in marine fisheries legislation. This will benefit the developing countries, especially the small island developing states, in the short term; and the common interests of developed and developing countries in the long term. Policy implications SDT facilitated the consensus between the developing and developed countries on issues such as illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing subsidies and overfishing subsidies. However, current SDT practices have deviated from the original intention of the fairness and democratic approach of global marine fisheries governance, which should take into consideration the specific situation of developing countries.

Cameroon commercial relations with other African countries, just as that of other countries with Cameroon, had heretofore stood at the queue of controversies as businesses suffered from exorbitant duties and related levies on their goods and services prior to the Agreement on the African continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Considered to be a great game changer, the AfCFTA has the capacity to significantly transform African Economies thereby increasing its tentacles to the global business hub. In order to achieve this, Cameroon needs to actively carry out reforms both policy wise and complimentary structures. This will help mitigate the constraint and fiscal adjustment costs that may accrue with the new Agreement. This will equally lead to a positive win-win continental trade-integration outcome. This article assesses how Cameroon accommodates the implementation phase of the AfCFTA as a member State.

Les ressources naturelles occupent une place prépondérante dans le commerce international. L’Afrique en est riche. Par contre, le problème de leur gestion se fait sentir sur le continent au point que des chercheurs ont évoqué la « malédiction des ressources naturelles ». Le droit de l’OHADA ne les a pris en compte que timidement. Cette insuffisance de règlementation dans le droit communautaire a des incidences tant sur le commerce de ces produits dans l’espace OHADA que sur la jouissance de certains droits humains. Les tentatives de règlementation de certains aspects de ce secteur d’activité de la part d’autres organisations internationales et de certains États montrent la nécessité de les intégrer correctement dans le corpus juridique de l’OHADA. Un Acte Uniforme serait susceptible d’atténuer, au sein des États parties, la « malédiction des ressources naturelles » aussi bien que les atteintes aux droits de la personne résultant de leur exploitation comme le droit à un environnement sain et les droits économiques et sociaux.

La souveraineté des États membres est la condition d’existence de la zone de libre-échange continentale africaine (ZLECAf). Par conséquent, l’avenir de cette dernière dépend de la capacité des États membres à imposer le respect de l’Accord suscité et à empêcher toute violation des règles et principes établis en vertu de la ZLECAf. Ceci serait une action susceptible de conduire l’Afrique vers son indépendance économique et sortir l’Union africaine de sa dépendance de l’aide internationale. Dès lors, la capacité des États à imposer le respect de l’Accord précité crée un climat favorable à une coopération commerciale renforcée et permet la réalisation d’une complémentarité économique performante au sein de la ZLECAF. L’emploi effectif de la souveraineté des États parties démontre leur volonté de participer au développement de l’Afrique. Car ils sont passés de la gestion individuelle des activités commerciales à la gestion collective de la chose commune.

This glossary is the first edition of legal and other terms that micro, small and medium enterprises (MSMEs) will encounter while trading under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The aim of the glossary is to help users understand legal, commercial and customs terms found in the AfCFTA Agreement as it has been crafted with inputs and guidance from the African private sector, including MSMEs, women and youth entrepreneurs, and business support institutions striving to improve the African business environment.

Choice of law is a perplexing concept due to the importance of party autonomy, the diversity of connecting factors, and the variety of different contractual issues. The problem of choosing a governing law is complicated in consumer contracts by industrialised mechanisms depriving consumers of negotiation rights. The core mandate of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is to establish a single market for goods and services associated with the free movement of legal persons for economic integration. This objective requires a harmonised consumer protection policy to resolve the diverse consumer protection regimes applicable in state parties within AfCFTA member states. This policy should provide suitable consumer protection mechanisms generally and in the context of choice of law specifically. Implementing a draft competition policy bestows a legitimate mandate on the AfCFTA to negotiate a continental framework on consumer protection as both fields of law complement each other to safeguard consumer rights in cross-border trade. This article argues the dynamics of providing adequate choice of law rules on consumer contracts to inform suitable mechanisms on consumer interest within the AfCFTA. The article discusses the abuse of choice of law clauses in consumer contracts, affecting consumers’ rights in cross-border contracts within the AfCFTA. It suggests a harmonised consumer protection policy to regulate and mitigate these clauses. The article also examines trends in Global North jurisdictions like the European Union to inform a context-specific institutional framework for the AfCFTA’s choice of law rules.